This rebellion is different: it is not politically motivated; it is devoid of racist undertones and it calls for a change of systems instead of a mere change of the party in power. It also has the backing of all strata of Sri Lankan society which will enable the protest to be sustained for as long as it takes.
While this should be a sobering thought for the Rajapaksas, the next steps could be fraught with danger. In the past, the Rajapaksas haven’t hesitated to use brute force against obstacles that stand in their way and, if it appears that this is what is required to clinch the battle, they will do so again.
If President Gotabaya Rajapaksa thought that the worst was over when he stifled the protests near his private residence at Mirihana a week ago, he couldn’t have been more wrong. Instead that has now metamorphosed into a massive public movement that threatens to chase the Rajapaksas out of office.
Disappointed and disgusted with the response to the Mirihana protest, yet another was planned for Saturday, April 9 at Galle Face. There was no chief organiser or political outfit involved. The initial message, ‘bring a million people to Colombo’ swept through social media like wildfire.
At the time of writing, five days later, despite the numerous family commitments most citizens have due to the Easter and Sinhala and Tamil New year holidays and notwithstanding torrential rains drenching Galle Face, protesters are still there demanding the resignations of their leaders.
The slogan ‘Gota go home’ has become their rallying cry. They are asking that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa resign forthwith. Many are also demanding that the entire Parliament of 225 be done away with. Others want corrupt politicians to be held accountable.
The most reviled figure has undoubtedly been former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa because of his poor handling of the economy. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa comes a close second due to his arrogance and ignorance and even Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has not been spared.
Lest it be forgotten, the protestors are not particularly fond of the opposition either though they are decidedly more hostile towards the Rajapaksas and the government they represent. Wisely, the opposition had decided not to intervene in the Galle Face campaign, keeping it free of party politics.
The sheer strength of the campaign, the intensity of the sentiments expressed there and the degree of hostility the Rajapaksas have evoked from the public, a significant proportion of them having voted for them in 2019 and 2020, has taken the ruling clan by surprise and made them very desperate now.
There were no takers for the offer from President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for an ‘all party government’ and understandably so. Why would opposition political parties want to be tarred with the same brush when it is the government that must bear the brunt of the blame for the crisis in the country now?
In arguably the only beneficial fallout until now, Central Bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal was sent packing. Cabraal tried to put a spin on it saying he was tendering his resignation because the Cabinet had collectively tendered their resignations. However, one has nothing to do with the other.
Cabraal has been replaced by Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, a respected economist with integrity who was until recently the Deputy Governor but was overlooked for promotion in favour of the less qualified but more obedient Cabraal. Weerasinghe has made it clear he will be acting independently.
Now, the government has resorted to familiar tactics, that of making a public display of support that has been orchestrated. On Tuesday a group of monks staged a ‘protest’ of sorts opposite the Nelum Pokuna theatre in Colombo. Their slogan: “don’t be misled by protests and betray Sinhala Buddhists’!
Similar small-scale protests were seen sporadically in several areas. There are reports that further acts of sabotage are being contemplated. Among them are infiltrating the Galle Face protest with unruly elements whose acts of disruption will then be used to discredit the protest campaign.
The government is also trying its best to lure dissident MPs who say they will be ‘independent’. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party’s Shantha Bandara in the Kurunegala district and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s Piyankara Jayaratne from the Puttlam district have fallen victim to this.
At least for now, the government’s strategy is clear. They have given up appeasing the protestors and attempting to implement changes. They are hoping that, with the New Year holidays looming, the protest will peter out and they could resume business as usual with a few cosmetic changes.
The first step in this process is establishing a simple majority in Parliament. If this is done, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is secure as he cannot be impeached and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa cannot be ousted. This is why the ‘operation’ to secure that majority is now earnestly underway.
Towards this end, the President has already held discussions with Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila, the two ministers he dismissed recently. Their main grouse was the conduct of then Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa but that is no more an issue because he is not a minister now.
The never to be trusted duo publicly swore they would never be in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Cabinet ever again. However, with Basil Rajapaksa’s exit, there is every possibility for the return of Weerawansa and Gammanpila- and they will say they changed their stance to serve the nation- again!
Unfortunately for the Rajapaksas, they are making the same mistake they made in 2015, only this time it is on a much larger scale: they are assuming that the Sri Lankan public will forgive their sins and let bygones be bygones. Blinded by power, they are seriously underestimating the power of the protest.
This rebellion is different: it is not politically motivated; it is devoid of racist undertones and it calls for a change of systems instead of a mere change of the party in power. It also has the backing of all strata of Sri Lankan society which will enable the protest to be sustained for as long as it takes.
While this should be a sobering thought for the Rajapaksas, the next steps could be fraught with danger. In the past, the Rajapaksas haven’t hesitated to use brute force against obstacles that stand in their way and, if it appears that this is what is required to clinch the battle, they will do so again.
Sri Lanka is at a crossroad, the most important in its post-independent history. The coming weeks will be crucial not only for the average Sri Lankan but for generations to come. It will determine whether the nation can survive this ordeal- or whether the Rajapaksas survive and the country perishes.
