- The role of Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police Deshanbandhu Tennakoon on May 09 attracted much attention. Video footage broadcast on national television showed how negligent he was in preventing the violence at Galle Face. Perhaps he even facilitated it. Yet, he not only roams scot-free, he also continues to function as a DIG. Is this how Wickremesinghe’s rule of law “applies to all”?
- However, the crunch is in some of the other statements in the President’s speech. He was intent on referring to violence at the ‘aragalaya’, the protests that eventually ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Wickremesinghe appears to be oblivious to the fact that if not for the final, violent but not deadly push that propelled the surging masses through the gates of President’s House into its lawns and lounges, he wouldn’t be in his office today.
- That was the culmination of the protest. It had symbolic value, signifying the victory of the protestors over the Rajapaksa regime. It also had practical value because it forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee through the back door. Without the storming of the President’s House, the ‘aragalaya’ would still be stagnating at Galle Face
- We wouldn’t complain about the Police pursuing those who set fire to Wickremesinghe’s private residence. Yet, the Police appear to be preoccupied with detaining people who slept on the President’s bed, those who sat on the President’s chair or draped his flag around their waist. They are being held on charges of abusing state property.
- This raises an important question. If they are to be indeed charged for that offence, what of the many offending parliamentarians who revelled in breaking microphones and chairs in Parliament in full public view when the SLPP attempted to oust, quite ironically, Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister in 2018?
Can Ranil Wickremesinghe walk the talk?
That was the question posed by Opposition Leader, leader of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and Wickremesinghe’s erstwhile deputy Sajith Premadasa, after listening to the President address at the ceremonial opening of Parliament last week. Wickremesinghe’s speech was great, Premadasa said, but added, ‘now he needs to walk the talk’!
Wickremesinghe’s address to Parliament was indeed impressive. Elected to office by votes of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) parliamentarians and adopted into that role by the beleaguered Rajapaksas, Wickremesinghe was bold enough to lay the blame fairly and squarely at the door of his predecessor, even as Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s siblings and nephew bristled in the chamber.
The new President was able to outline a realistic overview of the plight the country now finds itself in and honest enough to tell the nation that the future, at least in the short term, is bleak. All that was very commendable.
However, the crunch is in some of the other statements in the President’s speech. He was intent on referring to violence at the ‘aragalaya’, the protests that eventually ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Wickremesinghe appears to be oblivious to the fact that if not for the final, violent but not deadly push that propelled the surging masses through the gates of President’s House into its lawns and lounges, he wouldn’t be in his office today.
That was the culmination of the protest. It had symbolic value, signifying the victory of the protestors over the Rajapaksa regime. It also had practical value because it forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee through the back door. Without the storming of the President’s House, the ‘aragalaya’ would still be stagnating at Galle Face
We wouldn’t complain about the Police pursuing those who set fire to Wickremesinghe’s private residence. Yet, the Police appear to be preoccupied with detaining people who slept on the President’s bed, those who sat on the President’s chair or draped his flag around their waist. They are being held on charges of abusing state property.
This raises an important question. If they are to be indeed charged for that offence, what of the many offending parliamentarians who revelled in breaking microphones and chairs in Parliament in full public view when the SLPP attempted to oust, quite ironically, Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister in 2018?
Wickremesinghe went on to say that the law will be applied to those who attacked the peaceful protesters on the 09th of May. “I will ensure there is no political intervention in this process,” he assured solemnly.
There is video footage of Mahinda Rajapaksa making a provocative speech at Temple Trees just prior to the attack on Galle Face, only to be followed by an even more inflammatory address by Johnston Fernando. Namal Rajapaksa and MP Sanath Nishantha was seen mingling with the ‘hired goons’ in that audience. All four of them were in Parliament when Wickremesinghe made his speech. They kept a straight face.
Can the President now play with a straight bat and nab those responsible for the Galle Face attack?
The role of Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police Deshanbandhu Tennakoon on May 09 attracted much attention. Video footage broadcast on national television showed how negligent he was in preventing the violence at Galle Face. Perhaps he even facilitated it. Yet, he not only roams scot-free, he also continues to function as a DIG. Is this how Wickremesinghe’s rule of law “applies to all”?
Wickremesinghe also waxed eloquent about containing bribery and corruption, promising new measures to eradicate these evils from our body politic. There is a sense of déjà vu in that. That was the slogan he used to capture power through Maithripala Sirisena in 2015. In the five years that he led the parliamentary arm of government, he allowed the perpetrators of bribery and corruption to go unpunished, dilly-dallying on their prosecution in court. That came back to bite him in 2019 because those very perpetrators were returned to office- and a major reason for that was the inefficiency and lack of enthusiasm of the ‘yahapalanaya’ government to punish their predecessors.
That was Wickremesinghe when, as Prime Minister, he had a majority in Parliament. Now, reduced to just one seat in the legislature and beholden to the SLPP for their support in Parliament, how can Wickremesinghe prosecute the same people for bribery and corruption? That would be what fairy tales are made of.
Yet another promise made by Wickremesinghe was to reintroduce the 19th Amendment. He stated that a new amendment will capture “all the effective elements” of the 19th Amendment. The draft amendment prepared by that manipulative dealmaker and self-styled constitutional expert, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was in office was only a watered-down version of the 19th Amendment and still heavily favoured the Executive and not the Legislature.
Wickremesinghe now promises to restore the status quo vis-a-vis the 19th Amendment. In fact, this was a promise he made no sooner than he was appointed as Prime Minister by Gotabaya Rajapaksa. That was the ideal scenario for Wickremesinghe then because a restored and effective 19th Amendment conferred significant authority on the Prime Minister and compelled the President to consult with his Premier. Now, however, Wickremesinghe is no longer Prime Minister, he is the all-powerful President. His classmate Dinesh Gunawardena is the Prime Minister. Will Wickremesinghe be true to his word and delegate much of the authority he now enjoys to his childhood friend? The proposed 19th Amendment submitted to Parliament this week appears to mirror the 19th Amendment, so we wait with bated breath for that to be endorsed by the SLPP-dominated House.
Ranil Wickremesinghe is President today not because he was elected to that post by the people exercising their sovereignty. He was elected by a Parliament that, at the present time, does not reflect the will of the majority of the people.
If Ranil Wickremesinghe is indeed a smart politician, he will realise that, acknowledge that and work towards redressing that anomaly so that the public will begin to place hope and trust in him despite his method of election.
For that, Ranil Wickremesinghe must walk the talk.
