- With Rajapaksa delaying his resignation and Wickremesinghe posturing to become Acting President, even if it is for a few days, the opposition has also been caught flatfooted. It was clear for some time that the leading personalities in the opposition were biding their time for Rajapaksa’s departure hoping for an easy access to the Presidency, instead of working together to formulate a common programme of action to restore at least a semblance of stability to the nation.
- Wickremesinghe hopes he can rope in MPs from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and secure a simple majority in Parliament to become President for the remainder of Rajapaksa’s term. Wickremesinghe, a parliamentarian of forty-five years’ experience, must surely know that he too would face the wrath of the public and be forced to flee if he does so, but it seems that the lust for power overrides rational thinking
If the ‘Aragalaya’ or ‘Struggle’ launched at Galle Face three months ago reached fruition with the departure of Gotabaya Rajapaksa from the country, it has also opened up a can of worms in the form of transition and delivering the country from the economic mess it finds itself in. The next few days will be extremely crucial in determining the direction the nation will take.
Rajapaksa’s departure had more than its fair share of controversy. As protests erupted on the 9th of July, his immediate whereabouts were not known. If they had been, it could have put his life and well-being in danger. However, his Presidency effectively ended when protestors stormed the President’s House in Colombo and then, shortly afterwards, the Presidential Secretariat opposite Galle Face.
True to form, Rajapaksa displayed his characteristic obstinacy to the end. Knowing full well that he could never remain President, he delayed his resignation, informing Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena that he would resign only on July 13. This only heightened speculation that he was striving for a comeback of sorts and made those occupying President’s House, the Presidential Secretariat and Temple Trees even more determined to remain there. At the time of writing, his formal letter of resignation had not been released.
Another individual who displayed typical stubbornness was Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The entire nation was aware that Wickremesinghe was only slightly less reviled than Rajapaksa. Nevertheless, Wickremesinghe interprets Rajapaksa’s resignation as an invitation for him to become Acting President! That is of course what the Constitution says but the Constitution would then also allow for Rajapaksa to govern until 2024.
Rajapaksa’s and Wickremesinghe’s eleventh-hour shenanigans did not help the nation’s cause. Rajapaksa ran into strife when trying to leave the country, being humiliated when he was turned away at the Bandaranaike International Airport. He had to eventually flee to the Maldive Islands under the cover of darkness.
Wickremesinghe’s stubbornness paid immediate dividends in the form of protestors setting fire to his private residence in Colombo. The arson attack is also under investigation as questions remain as to why media personnel of a particular network were mercilessly attacked prior to that. It is also baffling how the house was set on fire when there was a heavy Police presence there.
The attack cannot be condoned even for a moment, whatever Wickremesinghe’s indiscretions. However, it is fair to say that, had Wickremesinghe offered to resign instead of opposing the party leaders’ plan for him to step down, his home would not have been torched.
At the time of writing, Wickremesinghe has proclaimed himself as ‘Acting President’. This is by virtue of a gazette notification which states that he will be deputising for Rajapaksa who is unable to fulfil his duties as he is overseas. As a result, sporadic clashes have erupted and protestors have occupied the Prime Minister’s office as well. Wickremesinghe has vowed to reclaim sites occupied by the protestors and an unwanted and potentially violent confrontation looms.
Wickremesinghe hopes he can rope in MPs from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and secure a simple majority in Parliament to become President for the remainder of Rajapaksa’s term. Wickremesinghe, a parliamentarian of forty-five years’ experience, must surely know that he too would face the wrath of the public and be forced to flee if he does so, but it seems that the lust for power overrides rational thinking.
With Rajapaksa delaying his resignation and Wickremesinghe posturing to become Acting President, even if it is for a few days, the opposition has also been caught flatfooted. It was clear for some time that the leading personalities in the opposition were biding their time for Rajapaksa’s departure hoping for easy access to the Presidency, instead of working together to formulate a common programme of action to restore at least a semblance of stability to the nation.
The names of Sajith Premadasa and Dullas Alahapperuma are being mentioned as possible contenders for the Presidency, along with Wickremesinghe. Ideally, there should be a consensus instead of a contest and the collective opposition, along with the progressive and less corrupt individuals of the SLPP, should have already had a plan of action in the event Rajapaksa resigned, instead of scrambling hastily to get their act together now.
Premadasa has the advantage of having the SJB’s numbers supporting him. He also has the support of Maithripala Sirisena who could sway the fourteen votes of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) in his direction. That, and the support of the so-called ‘minority community’ parties will still not get him over the line unless a sizeable number from the SLPP supports him. Whether he will be able to muster that support is the big question.
Alahapperuma has an easier task in terms of gathering numbers. His SLPP had a near two-thirds majority to begin with and he only has to ensure that those who have not defected to other camps (such as those in the SLFP) remained with him. However, whether he has the popular support and the political ability to steer Sri Lanka at this critical juncture is questionable. Being honest and not having allegations of corruption alone will not suffice when the nation is facing its biggest challenge in its post-independence history.
Behind the scenes however, there is speculation that Mahinda Rajapaksa and Basil Rajapaksa are trying to muster support from the SLPP to ensure Wickremesinghe is elected President by Parliament. That would, of course, ensure that the Rajapaksas remain unscathed and free of prosecution and even allow them to regroup.
The role of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) is being undervalued in this contest because, despite being a major stakeholder in the struggle on the street and having a considerable support base among the public right now, the JVP has only three parliamentary seats. Hence its influence on the Parliament’s election of the next President is limited.
It would however be a foolish President-elect that neglects the JVP. It must be given its due recognition for its continued advocacy against the Rajapaksa regime in recent months and for the role its politicians and supporters played in the uprising. Not to do so would only invite more unrest.
Regardless of who is elected President until the next elections, the recipient of that office faces massive challenges. The economy is in the doldrums and the world is waiting for some political stability before it can come to Sri Lanka’s aid. It will be the task of that President to showcase that stability and to prove to the world that Sri Lanka is a democracy, not just by name but in the proper sense of the word.
The country has never really had an all-party government before. When coalitions have governed, they have always been aligned with one or the other of the two major parties. The political experiment that will begin next week will be a first for the country but then, desperate situations need desperate remedies.
