- Wickremesinghe will be expected to walk his policy talk
- The fate of Fonseka’s political career in the SJB is uncertain.
The policy statement made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe in parliament last week drew mixed reactions from political parties among the divide in and out of parliament.
The statement extolled democracy and the need to uphold democratic values to usher in a better era for the people.
The immediate response from political parties of the divide was that the statement was good but what was needed was the practical application and translation of those words into good deeds.
Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa had no reservations about the speech but wanted concrete action on the ground by the President for him to consolidate his claims. JVP leader Anura Dissanayake did not see any difference between the incumbent President and his predecessors, especially when making policy speeches. He said that Wickremesinghe’s statement was one which was against his own self. Dissanayake has said that if the government takes progressive steps, they would support but never join the government
These policy statements usually harp on democracy, law and order, development and economy to say the least. Upgrading the status of youth and exploring new vistas are the other usual features of these statements. Although they profess many things, the score card at the end of a tenure shows zero accomplishment and the inheritance a collapsed economy and distorted democracy.
Corruption and waste have risen to unprecedented levels. Though there is speak of the need for a significant youth representation in parliament, it is packed with retirees.
Among the highlights of the President’s statement were that before the end of the 21st century the Indo-Pacific region will be the most dominant economic domain in the world. In this context, the strategic geographical location of Sri Lanka was of extreme importance. ‘We should make the best use of this favourable position’, he said. ‘The formulation of future corporate laws and policies have to bear this significant scenario’.
The President underscored the reality that the country cannot be sustained by taking loans. He emphasised that the quantum of borrowings should see a drastic reduction to the extent possible. ” Therefore, I am joining you honourable MPs in compiling rules and regulations and policies that will allow our country to get the maximum benefit from the Indian Ocean-centric new economic power. I urge all parties to get rid of traditional thinking of striving to build the Sri Lankan nation. Some groups stand idle while taking commercial loans at high-interest rates and oppose investments that are beneficial to the country. The enormous loss caused to our country due to the opposition to foreign investments because of hearsay without checking, cannot be qualified. However, people are aware of the losses caused to the country due to corruption and fraud. He went on to say that he will take measures to make the change required to build the Sri Lankan nation and that he will implement social and political reforms requested by the people with the cooperation of all the citizens.
He went on to say that the struggle started all over Colombo, expecting system change, later concentrated in Galle Face. The President acknowledged that the struggle gathered unprecedented momentum and spread into other major cities. ‘This struggle had all the salient features of a non-violent movement with creative instincts infused. Families joined the struggle to express their protests. Parents were not afraid to even bring children to places of protest. Protesters once digitally illuminated the walls of the Presidential Secretariat without any harm”.
The President observed that the notion of non-violence gradually diminished and violence emerged with certain political groups that became stakeholders indulging in violence. Hence the protests turned towards terrorism. ” I do not allow violence and terrorism and will take necessary measures to protect non-violence and democracy. Peaceful struggle is a fundamental right. I accept those rights. At present, the President has the full right to appoint the members of the Election Commission, Public Service Commission, Police Commission, Judicial Service Commission, etc. I directly say that it is not a favourable condition for democracy. We should change that condition. Presently it has inherited more power from the President than a previous king of Sri Lanka. It should undergo immediate changes’.
Wickremesinghe underlined that the President doesn’t have to be a King or a God exalted above the people because the individual is one of the citizens. ‘The President should not be honoured with separate flags, separate logos, and separate honour awards. ” I have taken some necessary measures and will continue to do so”.
The President went on to say that he is working to establish a National Assembly consisting of political party leaders to implement a shared minimum program with everyone’s approval as the next step through the National Assembly.
According to the President, there have always been divisions in ethnicity, religion, language, faiths, political parties, geographic division and caste. ‘Ever since I entered politics, I intended to create a society with a Sri Lankan identity without these divisions. To create a national identity where children of one mother can live in harmony. I suffered political defeats due to my regular engagement in this exercise. It came in for harsh criticism by extremists because of my continued stand against racism and bigotry. Some political parties slandered me as a racist. However, I did not deviate from my principle. I would not backtrack from that policy. Today, a considerable segment of the youth have accepted that they want to continue my policies. They chant slogans against racism and bigotry. Protests held stressed the necessity of peace among ethnic groups of Sinhala – Tamil – Muslim – Burgher etc. Sinhalese youths say that all ethnic groups, including Tamils and Muslims, should get equal treatment. I am glad that the young generation understands the truth which I tried my best to explain to this society for about five decades.
The President had several rounds of consultations with various political parties represented in parliament about forming an all-party government to bring political stability. After the meeting with the principal opposition the SJB, its leader Premadasa tweeted that he ‘held a far-reaching discussion with the President together with his team. Agreed to work through an empowered system of parliamentary committees’. Premadasa was positive about joining forces for the country’s sake. ‘Shall do so without accepting ministerial positions, perks or privileges’, he tweeted.
Many other parties, including the Sri Lanka Freedom Party led by former President Maithripala Sirisena held extensive talks with Wickremesinghe and in principle they all agreed to work with the President. The SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara expressed his willingness to work with the new President provided he re-introduces the 19th amendment to the constitution.
The President had said he was confident he could work with the SJB since they are familiar with him. He reminded Sajith Premadasa that in 1941 the main opposition of the British Parliament took over ministerial positions while still holding the Leader of the Opposition position in the House of Commons. The President had pointed out that the entire Parliament became the government, and they could follow the same British tradition.
The President had said he was not interested in continuing with the state of emergency but to implement his economic strategy he needed several laws and he needed the emergency to be in place therefore.
The Independent group of parliamentarians headed by professor G.L.Peiris and Dullas Allahpperuma also had a meeting with the President and pledged their support to the all-party government without holding any positions if the right programme is in place. Most of the groups in parliament appear ready to support the all-party government having realised the precarious situation the country is facing economically.
There are political rumblings within the opposition SJB owing to the alleged erratic behaviour of military veteran turned politician Field Marshall Sarath Fonseka. The allegation is that he interferes with the decision-making arm of the SJB and overrides the party leadership.
More intriguing information about him and his role had come to light and is in the public domain from the discussions he had with President Gotabaya Rajapksa before the President left the shores following the Galle Face Aragalaya on July 9.
The mediator was Diana Gamage, the national list parliamentarian of the SJB who closed ranks with the SLPP during the introduction of the 20th amendment to the constitution to enhance presidential powers.
Her husband, the ex-secretary to Fonseka and former military man Senaka de Silva was instrumental in persuading Fonseka to talk to Gotabaya Rajapksa. The meeting was about taking over the duties of the Prime Minister to fill the void created by Mahinda Rajapaksa following his resignation. The meeting had lasted for about two hours. Field Marshall Fonseka had given a firm undertaking to protect the interests of the Rajapaksa clan come what may but asked President Gotabaya Rajapksa to appoint him the defence minister in addition to his duties as the Prime Minister. He also promised to dissipate the Aragalaya. Rajapaksa had said that the hurdle was appointing him defence Minister since it is a constitutional obligation bestowed upon him to be the defence minister. Many candidates claimed the prime ministerial stake but eventually, it fell upon the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.
The relationship between the President and Prime Minister had not been all that steady and was more or less limping along. On many occasions the President had wanted the Prime Minister removed.
On Saturday, soon after President Rajapaksa left the country’s shores to reach Male, the protestors stormed the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation. A few hours before that the Prime Minister’s residence went up in flames. Attempts had been afoot to appoint Fonseka the prime minister then. It was at a time Gotabaya had still not quit his job. As for Wickremesinghe, it was fait accompli which prevented his removal.
What followed was the election for the presidency in parliament and Premadasa withdrew from the race in favour of Dullas Allahpperuma. It may have angered Fonseka since he proposed Sajith for the presidency during the working committee sessions of the SJB. There is speculation among parliamentarians that one of the spoilt votes at the election was that of Fonseka.
The Fonseka saga continues in the SJB with the top rung members lobbying for his removal from crucial party activities. Will Fonseka find refuge elsewhere or continue his struggle with the Aragalaya friends and his renewed friendship with the leader of the Frontline Socialist Party Kumara Gunaratnam who he helped during the 1989 insurrection when Gunaratnam was arrested and held in Trincomalee?
