A question that has bothered many is why, after being handed the
Presidency on a platter without having to sweat for it, President Ranil
Wickremesinghe is acting the way he does.
One can even explain why he doesn’t go against the Sri Lanka Podujana
Peramuna (SLPP) because he relies on them- and therefore the
Rajapaksa clan- for support in Parliament. That would also explain why
he is not prosecuting the Rajapaksas for their alleged acts of
commission and omission.
However, none of that explains why Wickremesinghe is punishing
democratic dissent which was the cornerstone of the ‘aragalaya’ that
brought him to power so fortuitously. This ranges from prosecuting
those who stormed the Presidential Secretariat and used its swimming
pool, to the detention of university student activist Wasantha Mudalige
under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
The latter attracted condemnation globally. It was an act that is more
consonant with Mahinda Rajapaksa than Ranil Wickremesinghe, the
ardent advocate of civil liberties during the decades when he was Sri
Lanka’s longest serving Leader of the Opposition.
This preoccupation with suppressing dissent was evident again at the
November 2 protests when, presumably under instructions, the
government pulled out all stops to try and curb the multi-party protest
in Colombo.
First, we saw Wickremesinghe’s political lap dog, Vajira Abeywardena,
calling a press briefing and denouncing the protestors, branding them
as ‘traitors’. He was followed by the other sycophant Harin Fernando,
questioning the bona fides of the protest.
Why then is Wickremesinghe persevering with this strategy of
punishing protestors when the causes they are agitating for- the rising
cost of living, the suppression of democratic freedoms- still remain
relevant as they were a few months ago when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was
President and the ‘aragalaya’ was as its peak?
It has been suggested that Wickremesinghe, who has never tasted
absolute power before because when he was Prime Minister, he always
had a President above him, is now showing his true colours. Indeed, he
was schooled in the J.R. Jayewardene school of politics where the use
of force to crush dissent was the norm. It was Jayewardene who
crushed the 1980 July strike ruthlessly and was proud of how he
handled that.
However, what Wickremesinghe does not seem to realise is that this is
not the ‘80s when the public relied on a few media outlets- most of
them state owned- to obtain information. Four decades later, with the
advent of social media, every person is a potential journalist and every
video clip on a smart phone is a potential piece of evidence. The world
has moved on in terms of civil liberties and human rights although
Wickremesinghe appears to be stuck in a time warp.
There is also the suggestion that Wickremesinghe is preparing the
ground for what might be ahead. With Sri Lanka about to be put in an
economic straitjacket by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), more
hardships and even more difficult times are in the offing for the general
public, most of whom are in dire straits even now.
It is quite probable that Wickremesinghe fears this would generate
another wave of protests that could lead to public anger against him in
much the same way that it did against Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Clearly
intent on making the most of the ‘pin’ chance or charitable opportunity
he was given and on staying the course until the end of his term in
November 2024, Wickremesinghe appears to believe that by nipping
any protests in the bud, he is sending a powerful message to any
would-be protestors of the future: they will be singled out, detained on
remand and then possibly bailed out or alternatively, if their protests
are strong enough, detained under the PTA.
Wickremesinghe couldn’t be more wrong. We do know who his close
advisors are: the likes of Abeywardena, Ravi Karunanayake, Malik
Samarawickrema, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam and Sagala Ratnayake, none
of whom have their fingers on the pulse of the people. Their strategy of
curbing dissent will only make Wickremesinghe more unpopular and
lead to the perception of being an even more draconian leader than
Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
The average Sri Lankan citizen is intelligent and sufficiently politically
literate to realise that the current economic crisis is not
Wickremesinghe’s fault. They would, by and large, accept him as their
President even if he got that job by default and allow him some time
and space to chart a course correction in the economy if only he acted
in a democratic and fair manner.
This would mean respecting the opposition’s views and taking due note
of them when relevant and also applying the rule of law equally. The
public would stoically grin and bear any hardships imposed on them if
they were assured that other measures required to restore credibility
to government- such as prosecuting those responsible for corruption
and abuse of power- are also being implemented.
To expect the public to stomach rising prices, increased taxes and a
multitude of other difficulties while those responsible for the country’s
economic plight go scot-free without any consequences and in fact,
continue to enjoys the perks and privileges of power is to be politically
blind to the realities of today. That is not only morally wrong, it is also
strategically stupid.
That though is not surprising. Being politically astute is not Ranil
Wickremesinghe’s strong suit. He was out-manoeuvred by Chandrika
Kumaratunga when she was President, by Mahinda Rajapaksa when he
was presidential candidate and then as President too when he split the
United National Party and even by the incompetent Maithripala
Sirisena when he was President.
Unwittingly, by employing strong arm tactics on protests, Ranil
Wickremesinghe is sending a message that, as far as he is concerned,
he will govern for the next two years in any way he sees fit, regardless
whether that is democratic, ethical or even legal.
The last person who had similar thoughts was Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
Then, it wouldn’t be surprising if Ranil Wickremesinghe’s fate is similar
to that of Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well- or even worse.
