Revisiting Indo -Lanka relations.

Developing a healthy relationship with India is vital for Sri Lanka in the face of a global order which is politically and economically in a state of flux. It becomes more relevant after India developed a close political affinity with the United States, deviating from its non-aligned path.

India initially proclaimed neutrality in the developing Cold War era, in which it played the leadership role within the non-alignment movement.

During the Cold War era, there were constraints in the relationship between the United States and India. However, in 1949 New Delhi seized the opportunity to extend its goodwill and amity to Moscow. Later, India signed a friendship treaty with Moscow that lasted until 1991.

However, in 1962 President John F Kennedy supported India when war broke out in the Indo-China disputed frontier.

In 1971, when India and Pakistan were in for yet another conflict, the United States sided with Islamabad. Nevertheless, it ended up creating Bangladesh.

Until the 1965 India-Pakistan war, strategic and military ties between Washington and New Delhi remained close. During the tenure of President Obama, India was elevated to a position of a strategic partner in defence. No other country holds such status in the US political realm.

Sri Lanka should take cognizance of the events in the global arena that change world affairs dramatically. Being a small nation without much clout, Sri Lanka may not be able to assume the role of Cuba to the United States as far as India is concerned. It could be a case study for foreign affairs analysts to look at the assertions of Indian High Commissioner to Colombo J.N Dixit during his discussion with President Jayewardene in the mid-eighties. One wonders about the rapid changes in Indian foreign policy, which more or less amounts to double standards in their discourse.

It was at the drafting stages of the Indo-Lanka Accord in the form of an embryo before the potential birth.

President Jayewardene asked the Indian High Commissioner to be specific about India’s concerns. He replied that Sri Lanka should give assurances on the following:

Reduction and phasing out of the foreign military and intelligence personnel in Sri Lanka enlisted from the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Israel, South Africa etc.

Sri Lanka revamps its foreign and defence policies and curtails its involvement with the USA, Pakistan, China, Israel, and South Africa.

An assurance that Sri Lanka will not allow the use ofits seaports and airports by foreign powers antagonistic toward India or for that which affects Indian interests.

Sri Lanka should fulfil its assurance made in 1985 to maintain the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farms, to prevent using the Voice of America broadcasting station for military purposes.

Replying at the last minute, President Jayewardene said they were excessive demands. Nevertheless, High Commissioner Dixit pointed out that the Sri Lankan authorities agreed to the conditions specified, during meetings with the Indian political hierarchy.

Eventually, after much persuasion, Sri Lanka agreed to draft a letter listing India’s concerns and giving its consent.

A comprehensive study will clearly show how India has deviated from one policy to another, signifying a chequered history of its foreign policy.

India, which opposed the involvement of the United States and  Israeli assistance initially in the eighties, has done a complete U-turn in its policy to be the strategic defence partner of the United States andestablish close links with Israel.

Sri Lanka is no better. Can Sri Lanka hang on to its earlier Sirma Bandaranaike policy and perpetuate its non-aligned foreign policy?

India, which gave leadership to the non-aligned movement under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, has done a volte face from its non-aligned policies, after becoming a close ally of the United States and at the same time while aspiring to be a world leader.

The Cold War became a thing of the past. So did the-far sighted vision of Nehru for India.  

India has now ostensibly taken a positive step to shift its new– found alliance with the United States while keeping its options, and a window open to deal with Russia. It is a pragmatic policy move as far as Prime Minister Narendra Modi is concerned. It was somewhat clear when, during the Russian invasion of Ukraine,India refused to support the UN resolution condemning Russia

Can Sri Lanka reshape its foreign policy depending on the new vistas of global political trends?

The short and curt answer is NO.

Sri Lanka ought to tow the foreign policy line endorsed by India. In any case, it should not be detrimental to India as far as security and other geopolitical interests are concerned.

As Dixit pointed out in the mid-eighties, the use of Sri Lanka’s sea and air ports should not be allowed by any force antagonistic to Indian interests. A fair assertion by Indian standards of what they desire, but can this be justified and imposed on Sri Lanka, a sovereign nation by all means?

In this context, it is more apposite than ever before to take a cue from what India’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ruchira Kamboj, said. Addressing a conference held at the behest of the current chair of the United Nations Security Council, Kamboj underlined the need to respect the ethos that nurtured human edifications from ancient times.

At the meeting, which focused on promoting Common Security through Dialogue and Cooperation, Kamboj said that all countries should respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. She also underlined the importance of taking notice of all international agreements and respecting them.

It is timely to think along the lines of what Kamboj pointed out and initiate a new world order where super powers respect the independence of all other states irrespective of their strategic prowess.

Against this backdrop, it is strategically significant to devise new dimensions that could create a module that reflects the aspirations of both India and Sri Lanka, considering the geopolitical interests of the region.

If it is going to be one-way traffic, the equilibrium may suffer from lopsided policies, especially concerning the region.

In the late seventies, Indo-Sri Lanka relations took a virtual nose-dive after President J.R Jayewardene took over the reins from Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

Mrs. Bandarnaike was popular in the region. Her popularity reached astronomical heights as a leader who maintained Indo-Lanka relations at a high level in keeping with the best traditions and interests of the country.

Mrs. Bandaranaike had many achievements from the sixties to her credit. Among them were the repatriation of Indian-origin estate workers back to India under the Sirima –Shastri Pact and the annexing of Kachchativu, an uninhabited island located between Neduntheevu in Sri Lanka and Rameswaram in India, under the 1974 Indo -Lanka maritime agreement with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. She also lobbied to declare the Indian Ocean as a peace zone, sans heightened political activities detrimental to the countries in the region.

Mrs. Bandaranaike used the non-aligned movement as a vehicle to reach out to the world. In the ’60s and the ’70s, the NAM covered the whole gambit of the southern hemisphere. In 1976 she became the leader of the non-aligned movement and hosted the Colombo summit which was attended by many world leaders. Those who came to Colombo included Indira Gandhi, Fidel Castro, General Marshal Tito and others such as Colonel Gadaffi.

Nevertheless, there were hiccups during the Indo -Pakistan war. Mrs. Bandaranaike, to the chagrin of India, allowed the refuelling of Pakistani military planes in Colombo. This was after India helped to quell the 1971 April insurgency by the JVP.

Though the relations between India and Sri Lanka were at a low during the early days of President Jayewardene’s tenure, he was quick to restore relations.

The Indo-Lanka Accord was a direct result of the resilience

shown by President Jayewardene to absorb issues relating to statecraft. Some accused him of a sell-out, tilted in favour of India.

However, the people may have to understand the stark reality of the situation and the challenges that preceded the Indo-Lanka Accord. Jayawardene was facing the risk of losing his presidency since the country eruptedwith nationalist sentiment, and even the usually quiet Mrs. Elina Jayaewardene, the President’s wife,expressed her discomfort over the unfolding events.

All this was evident in the book authored by High Commissioner  Dixit.

Dixit, a tough negotiator who bargained for more than what it should have been for India, was nicknamed by the Sri Lankan media as the Viceroy of Sri Lanka.

Unlike in India, his role as an energetic diplomat rarely came in for appreciation in Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, most Sri Lankan intellectuals accept that he perfected his job for India with a rare accomplishment.

The letters exchanged between President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi indicate how much pressure India has brought on Sri Lankan leaders to safeguard their interests.

In the circumstances, Sri Lanka has to understand the language and the innuendos of the Indian diplomatic correspondence, which may mean more than words to maintain the equilibrium needed for survival in the long run within the sphere of the new world order.

The letters are given below for scrutiny for historical purposes:

 

Jyotindra Nath Dixit, Indian High Commissioner in Colombo on How India’s Security Concerns came to be addressed in the Exchange of Letters:

“…I mentioned to the (Sri Lanka) President that while the Agreement and its Annexure would cover all aspects related to the ethnic problem, India’s concerns about India-Sri Lanka bilateral relations and India’s political and security concerns had not been taken care of. The President was told that the Prime Minister of India also, would, like him (the President), be taking enormous risks in signing such an Agreement in terms of Indian public opinion and, therefore, there must be some formal understanding between Sri Lanka and India on India’s concerns which should be embodied in another Agreement or exchange of letters.

 

When Jayewardene asked me to be specific about India’s concerns, I said that Sri Lanka should give assurances to India on the following points:

 

1. Reduction and phasing out of foreign military and intelligence personnel in Sri Lanka from the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Israel, South Africa and so on.

 

2. Sri Lanka should reorganise its foreign and defence policies and reduce its involvement with USA, Pakistan, China, Israel and South Africa.

 

3. Sri Lanka should give some assurances to India that its seaports and airports would not be utilised by foreign powers which were antagonistic towards India or which affected India’s security interest negatively.

 

4. Sri Lanka should fulfil the assurances which it gave in 1985 that India would be given an opportunity to maintain the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farms and that Sri Lanka would prevent foreign broadcasting stations like the Voice of America from being utilised for military purposes by countries like the United States, West Germany, etc.

 

Jayewardene said that these were excessive demands being made at the last moment. He was, however, reminded politely that these concerns of India were specifically mentioned to him between April 29 and May 5, 1985 by Minister Chidambaram. I recalled that I had repeated these concerns and requests to Jayewardene on June 9, 1985. Minister of State Natwar Singh did the same on November 24, and again between December 17 and 19, 1986. I pointed out that India’s co-operation with Sri Lanka to solve the ethnic problem was predicated on Sri Lanka giving positive responses on these important concerns of India. The President consulted Minister Gamini Dissanayake and Finance Minister Romaie de Mel over the phone on these points raised by me. He then directed me to proceed immediately to the offices of the two Ministers to discuss details of how this particular issue should be dealt with.

 

At the end of the meeting with these Ministers, it was agreed that the points raised could be covered by means of a letter which should be carefully drafted. I said I would get a Draft Letter covering these points prepared when I proceeded to Delhi for consultations on the proposed Agreement and bring it back for approval….” *Assignment Colombo by J N Dixit, Konarak Publishers, 1998, Rs 400. Copies of the book may be obtained from Mr K P R Nair, Konarak Publishers, A-149, Main Vikas Marg, New Delhi 110 001. [*indicates link to Amazon.com online bookshop]

 

 Exchange of letters between the President of Sri Lanka and the Prime Minister of India

July 29, 1987

 

Excellency,

 

Please refer to your letter dated the 29th of July 1987, which reads as follows:-

 

Excellency,

 

Conscious of the friendship between out two countries stretching over two millennia and more, and recognising the importance of nurturing this traditional friendship, it is imperative that both Sri Lanka and India reaffirm the decision not to allow our respective territories to be used for activities prejudicial to each other’s unity, territorial integrity and security.

 

2. In this spirit, you had, during the course of our discussion, agreed to meet some of India’s concerns as follows:-

 

I) Your Excellency and myself will reach an early understanding about the relevance and employment of foreign military and intelligence personnel with a view to ensuring that such presences will not prejudice Indo Sri Lanka relations.

 

II) Trincomalee or any other ports in Sri Lanka will not be made available for military use by any country in a manner prejudicial to India’s interests.

 

III) The work of restoring and operating the Trincomalee Oil Tank will be undertaken as a joint operation between India and Sri Lanka.

 

IV) Sri Lanka’s agreement with foreign broadcasting organisations will be reviewed to ensure that any facilities set up by them in Sri Lanka are used solely as public broadcasting facilities and not for any military or intelligence purposes.

 

3. In the same spirit, India will:

 

I) Deport all Sri Lankan citizens who are found to be engaging in terrorist activities or advocating separatism or secessionism.

 

II) Provide training facilities and military supplies for Sri Lanka security services.

 

4. India and Sri Lanka have agreed to set up a joint consultative mechanism to continuously review matters of common concern in the light of the objectives stated in para 1 and specifically to monitor the implementation of other matters contained in this letter.

 

5. Kindly confirm, Excellency, that the above correctly sets out the Agreement reached between us.

 

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

 

Yours sincerely, sgd Rajiv Gandhi

 

His Excellency,

Mr. J.R. Jayawardene,

President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka,

Colombo.

 

This is to confirm that the above correctly sets out the understanding reached between us.

 

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

 

sgd J.R.Jayawardene President

 

His Excellency, Mr.Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, New Delhi