By Kassapa
In the lead up to the recent presidential election campaign, Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa was lampooned as being ‘aasayi, bayayi’ or being eager but scared. This originated from his refusal to accept the Premiership from Gotabaya Rajapaksa when it was offered to him at the height of the economic crisis in early 2022.
While Premadasa has done little to shake off that tag, it seems to be contagious. The Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB) government headed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is now being asked whether they suffer from the same malady, in the absence of decisive action on a series of key issues.
It began with the saga regarding former Speaker Ashoka Ranwala’s educational qualifications. On more than one occasion, Ranwala announced himself as having a doctorate. When this was queried, Ranwala was allowed to vacillate for weeks before he resigned- and that too after a public pronouncement from Dissanayake that ‘whoever errs will be dealt with, regardless of their position’.
Had Ranwala resigned when the scandal first came to light (or if he was sacked promptly), the government could have made a virtue out of a necessity. Instead, it dragged its feet while its reputation suffered. Even in his resignation, Ranwala did not admit to any wrongdoing, saying he never misled the public and was quitting only to save the government from embarrassment. His purported qualification meanwhile is yet to materialise!
Then, Dissanayake himself took on the rice cartels, summoning them for a meeting, warning they could face dire consequences if they didn’t adhere to stipulated prices. They didn’t. Moreover, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture now speaks of a minimum guaranteed price for paddy but says the government is “intentionally” delaying announcing this to prevent a drop in prices. The cartels meanwhile are laughing all the way to the bank. The government’s strategy for paddy and rice price stabilisation has become non-existent and the “dire consequences” that were promised have not materialised. Again, dilly-dallying is hurting the not only the public but the government too.
The crisis over the delay in releasing containers at the Colombo Port is heading in a similar direction. There is speculation and counter-speculation. Trade unions in the Customs Department are offering a narrative that is very different to that of the government. A Governor appointed by Dissanayake has had his name dragged in the mud and vehemently denies any misuse of power. Despite all this, the crisis in releasing containers continues. If the government has taken step to mitigate this, it has been too little, too late.
It was much the same with the controversy over Appeal Court President Nissanka Bandula Karunaratne. Thankfully, Dissanayake had the foresight not to nominate Karunaratne to the Supreme Court. However, plans were afoot to impeach him based on the findings of a judgment of the Supreme Court, unless he reigned. Signatures were solicited for the impeachment motion from JJB MPs.
That process should have been pursued to its very end. It would have sent a very strong message to the higher echelons of the judiciary about the consequences of being biased and politically affiliated and allowing those prejudices to cloud your judgments.
Instead, the government has now reached a ‘compromise’ that allows Karunaratne an honourable exit: he has gone on ‘leave prior to retirement’ and will officially relinquish his position three months hence. As a result, he faces absolutely no consequences for his alleged acts of commission and omission. It appears that the government baulked at the prospect of impeaching the President of the Court of Appeal and was content to watch him leave, with all his retirement benefits intact.
Last but potentially the most politically damaging to the government is the debate it has generated over the privileges accorded to former Presidents and more specifically about the official residence being occupied by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
At both the presidential and general elections Dissanayake and the JJB campaigned loudly about stripping former Presidents of their security and the mansions they live in. Now, armed with the powers of the Executive Presidency and a two-thirds majority in Parliament, they are reluctant to act.
Leading stalwarts of the government including Dissanayake himself and Cabinet spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa are publicly calling upon Rajapaksa to vacate his residence at Wijerama Mawatha, spread over one acre of sprawling prime land in Colombo 7. Rajapaksa, true to form, is refusing to budge and is asking for the demand to be sent to him in writing. Reportedly, the government fears that if a formal demand is made, this could be challenged in court.
Dissanayake did appoint a committee headed by retired Supreme Court Justice K.T. Chitrasiri to inquire into the issue. His findings have not been made public but it is believed that any retrospective action has not been recommended. Even so, the legislation clearly recommends that ex-Presidents need to be housed in an ‘appropriate’ residence, so they could be provided reasonable alternative accommodation, not a palatial mansion on one acre of prime land in Colombo 7.
Yet again, the government is hesitant to act fearing that Rajapaksa’s party, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna will then play the sympathy card claiming that the man who defeated terrorism has been chased out of his house by the JJB government. What the government and its leaders don’t seem to understand is that this was precisely part of the mandate they received, to cleanse politics of those who abuse politics to live in luxury at the taxpayers’ expense. The wrath of the public will turn against the JJB government only if they do not evict Rajapaksa (and also Chandrika Kumaratunga and Maithripala Sirisena), not if they do.
While campaigning, the JJB’s stalwarts made sweeping promises about acting decisively with rhetoric such as “within 24 hours” and “with the single stroke of a pen”. Such promises are whimsical but the people, the vast majority of them having voted for the JJB are now demanding action. With presidential powers and a two-thirds majority at its disposal, there can be no excuses.
